Contemplations of the despairing

(Link on Daily Trust site)

 Dr Bashir Aliyu Umar

 “Mallam, Wallahi I’m contemplating turning to rebellion, but I won’t target (innocent) civilians, I will only target government (officials) for being too exploitative; now should I get killed, would I achieve martyrdom? Mallam, I need your advice” That’s the question recently sent (originally in Hausa) by an anonymous but apparently despairing fellow, to Sheikh Dr Bashir Aliyu Umar, a versatile Islamic scholar and chief Imam of Alfurqan Mosque in Kano. The Sheikh read out the question during a recent Islamic study session the video clip of which I watched like many others. 

Though the question elicited dismissive laughter from the audience most, if not all, of whom also apparently expected the Sheikh to, at least, smile dismissively, he reacted and answered the question with the solemnity it requires.

Now, in the face of the persistently bleak horizon for the overwhelming majority of Nigerians, many people subconsciously express despairing feelings only to be greeted by dismissive responses, which discourage many others with similar feelings to express theirs. The audience’s reaction to the questioner’s question at Dr Bashir’s study session was a typical manifestation of social attitude in this regard.

Despairing warnings have become joking matters and indeed too common to provoke any worries in the society where hardly anyone bothers to look at their implications. That questioner, albeit anonymous, must have summoned up the courage to ask that question, which many people probably equally contemplate.

In his response, Dr Bashir, and after a reflective pause for a while, began with consoling the questioner and indeed everybody for that matter, in a tacit acknowledgement that the prevailing atmosphere of despair in the land is indeed unbearable enough to warrant such contemplations. He also clearly acknowledged that the governing elite’s exploitation of the people in the country is indeed agonizing.  

The Sheikh, however, rightly observed that rebellion is not the solution; he made some references to countries like Syria, Libya, Iraq and Yemen where people were incited to turn to rebellion only to end up absolutely worse off and pitiably wishing they never did what they did. Besides, he cited the Islamic injunction against such rebellion pointing out to the obvious wisdom behind it as seen and experienced in real life. He also warned the governing elite of the hellish retribution awaiting them after the end of this world.    

Now, though that answer and similar views maintained by scholars and thought leaders in the society have always been hugely instrumental in the prevention of spontaneous outbreak of mass rebellion in the country, the governing elite and other beneficiaries of the status quo hardly notice that let alone bother to address the situation. They take the apparent resignation with which the general public lives with the situation, for granted, as they also count on the security authorities for the continued maintenance of the status quo.

However, what they hardly realize, or they are simply too carried away to realize is that in the persistent absence of any reassuring prospects of the end of the worsening atmosphere of hopelessness in the country, the continuation of the status quo is never guaranteed either.

Though in reality there is no such thing as the rich-poor class struggle in Nigeria, in the strict sense of the term, yet the status quo isn’t maintainable anyway. What’s actually obtained in the country is a situation where almost all but a microscopic few are literally lurking around in pursuit of their respective unearned opportunities to somehow gain access to public resources, misappropriate as much as their respective accesses would allow, and get away with it as the influence of their respective connections would allow.

The three major fronts in this struggle are (1) politics, where politicians and their cronies struggle to outmanoeuvre one another for elective and non-elective political positions, (2) civil/public service, where most civil and public servants struggle for the so-called juicy positions, and (3) organized private sector where most of the “successful” private sector entities actually operate as accomplices in the systematic misappropriation of public resources by those politicians and civil/public servants.

Whereas, the overwhelming exploited majority who are too unprivileged to have what it takes to be part of that struggle in the first place continue to languish in unbearable and despair-inducing poverty inflicted on them by that tiny minority. Besides, though the blatant instances of nepotism and impunity against that unprivileged majority are indeed provocative, yet the prevailing belief that hard work, competence and integrity hardly pay off in competitive endeavours in the country is particularly depressing to them.    

Now, though the reassurances and consolations that scholars and other reputable individuals rightly give to this increasingly despairing majority are still effective, their effectiveness cannot be taken for granted; after all, man’s endurance is inherently limited.

It’s high time the governing elite and other beneficiaries of the status quo in the country looked at the looming implications of the already accumulated despairing feelings of that intimidating majority lest they spontaneously turn untameable when no amount of Wa’azi or consolation would be effective anymore.   

Dethronement of Sarki: Is it worth the fuss?

(Link on Daily Trust site)

As a barely interested observer following the dramatic developments of the dethronement and subsequent banishment of the former Sarkin Kano Muhammadu Sunusi ll, from afar, I am basically more interested in the implications of the sheer emotions that characterize the ensuing controversy.

As a son of the soil raised within a walkable distance from the historic Gidan Sarki Palace in Kano metropolis, the grandeur and glamour that the traditional Sarauta institution represents, and indeed the legendary mystery surrounding it explained my huge admiration of it. 

Also, the narratives about its ancient roots and its subsequent transformation among other traditional institutions into one of the major emirates within the Sheikh Usman bin Fodio-founded Caliphate in the 18th century explained the enormous respect one has always had for it. This is though with the incremental exposure and experience inherent in the process of one’s growth into maturity, and indeed the little knowledge one has acquired over the period, one was able to grow beyond naive glorification of the institution, which had, after all, already been rendered mere ceremonial. 

To arrive at that conclusion, I had reasoned that if the systematic tyranny and brutality that the post-Caliphate British-imposed and retained emirs perpetrated against their respective people on behalf of the British colonial officers had been committed elsewhere, their subsequent departure in 1960 would have, at least, ushered in the end of the relevance of the traditional institutions in public affairs. 

Though towards the independence, there had been a considerable rise in the public consciousness of their rights, thanks to the efforts of Mallam Aminu Kano and other like-minded populist politicians who fearlessly challenged the status quo, yet since the independence, there has been no commitment whatsoever to addressing the physiological trauma, let alone the physical suffering and losses that such traditional institutions had systematically inflicted on millions of vulnerable people in various domains across northern Nigeria. 

Besides, there has been no proper documentation of the victims’ horrible experiences even though from the verbal accounts of some among the aged population of the surviving victims, their plight was miserable enough to be compared to the plight of the Bilals of the early years of Islam in Makkah. In fact, not even an apology has ever been deemed appropriate for the surviving victims of such feudal atrocities. Whereas, if it had been in some ultra-leftist revolutionary societies like Mao-Tse-tung’s China, the perpetrators, their cronies and other beneficiaries of their reigns of cruelty would have faced spontaneous massacres at the hands of the vengeful public.

Also, contrary to the claim that traditional emirate institutions are apolitical and should, therefore, be treated accordingly, the reality is that, all along and since the British conquest of the Caliphate, and the subsequent successive civilian administrations and military regimes in the country, the creation of traditional emirates, the appointment of emirs, and the policies of the emirate institutions have always been subject to the political interests of the political leadership in the relevant domain and/or at the national level. 

It has always been a mutually beneficial relationship between politicians who have always manipulated the moral influence of the emirs to win elections under a democratic dispensation, and secure public confidence and approval under military dictatorship. In return, it’s an open secret that a typical emir or traditional title holder enjoys undue government privileges, which he largely abuses in the systematic facilitation of nepotism and impunity in favour of his cronies and indeed the highest bidder for his services. 

Besides, primitive and superstitious practices, heretical rituals and protocols most of which contradict the basic tenets of Islam have replaced the Islamic teachings on which Sheikh ibn Fodio founded the emirate institutions. Generational slaveholding and concubine-keeping against successive generations of families whose free-born ancestors were unjustifiably acquired as slaves over the centuries are still common in the institutions.   

Also, greeting protocols in the institutions where people literally prostrate before the emir amid ego-massaging and pride-inducing medieval hyperbolic praises showered on him by praisers, aren’t only absolutely unIslamic, but also represent some of the crudest manifestations of primitive but institutionalized human degradation. 

By the way, and as I have always observed, such are the practices that the former Sarkin Kano, as a reformer, should have challenged to reform the institution and restore its original Islamic identity.   

Interestingly, the gradual derailment of the emirate institutions had begun long before the British conquest; in fact, it started almost immediately after the demise of their founder, Sheikh Usman ibn Fodio and many of his close companions. His surviving brother then and the Emir of Gwandu, Sheikh Abdullahi ibn Fodio, lamented the situation in a beautifully composed poem in Arabic where he lamented that “After the successive demise of my companions, (i.e. his brother and some other Jihad leaders who were emirs of various domains), I have been rendered hopeless amid charlatans (referring to the succeeding generation of emirs then). 

In the poem, Sheikh Abdullahi ibn Fodio castigated them for “preaching what they never practice, and performing their duties poorly”. He also described them as “grossly unlearned who, however, never seek knowledge, with everyone simply claiming superior arguments on issues”. Lamenting further, the Sheikh continued, “they abuse kinship, insult friends and are hell-bent on wealth accumulation; also neither mosques nor schools, let alone Jihad constitutes a matter of importance to them anymore; their obsession instead revolves around rulership over domains and people to enjoy the attendant pleasure and prestige, as well as the accumulation of concubines, fashionable attires and beautiful horses for showing off in cities, not for Jihad. As they are also obsessed with inducement gifts, booty, bribe and praises of praise-singers”     

    

Anyway, while emirate traditional institutions deserve respect anyway, it should be only to the extent of their commitment to the Islamic tenets and practices on which they were founded. Also, as an institution that supposedly represents our value system, which is based and subject to the Islamic religion, there should be an effective mechanism in place to push for its reformation accordingly, and indeed hold it to account.  

Meanwhile, the recent dethronement of Sarkin Kano is not worth all that fuss.