…also
published in Daily Trust
Many, in fact, most Nigerians
apparently believe in some sort of tacit conspiracy among successive
generations of Nigerian top politicians, high-ranking government officials and
their associates in the private sector to perpetuate monopoly and manipulation
of power and other sources of influence. This, in turn, has given rise to the
widespread belief in the existence of a systematic class dichotomy in the country.
This belief is so
deep-rooted that it’s repeatedly insinuated and even expressly asserted in
academic lecture halls, newspaper columns, social media posts and, of course, mai-shayi
and other roadside joints. In fact, even those who claim to never believe in
conspiracy theory do unconsciously make subtle yet clear assertions confirming
their belief in the existence of this dichotomy.
After all, the reality appears to justify its
existence. For instance, obviously, notwithstanding a Nigerian’s moral and
professional credentials, his chances of accessing privileged opportunities that guarantee him, say, a lucrative job in the civil service, a lofty political appointment
in government or appropriate business opportunities in the private sector,
depend on the extent of the influence of his direct or indirect connections
in the corridors of power or mansions of influential power brokers. In fact, even
the degree to which he enjoys protection from injustice is equally determined accordingly.
This explains why
the overwhelming majority of Nigerians groan under social injustice and
economic hardship. Non-corrupt civil servants amongst them who are, by the way,
relatively few, struggle to survive on their relatively meager legitimate
incomes, while the majority are involved in various corrupt practices and acts
of extortion. Also, the already largely struggling self-employed and
businessmen amongst them endure the persistent frustration associated with poor
infrastructure and public services, inconsiderate government policies,
sanctioned extortions and corrupt practices of many relevant law enforcement
agents.
There is indeed a disproportionate
disparity between the vulnerable majority and the tiny “privileged” minority in
terms of access to quality education, quality healthcare, safety, security and
other indispensable services, which has given rise to an apparent class dichotomy
in the society that some Nigerians attribute to an alleged conspiracy, whereas
others believe it has simply automatically developed over the decades.
Now, it’s pertinent
to note that a systematic class dichotomy had
indeed existed particularly in precolonial northern Nigeria. Also, upon their
violent subjugation of the region, the British capitalized on it to consolidate
their colonial reign over the region. They achieved that via the introduction
of an indirect ruling system through which they directly controlled the emirs
who, in turn, controlled their respective people accordingly thereby consolidating
the British colonial rule.
Also, for obvious
strategic reasons, accesses to privileged government
positions, privileged business opportunities and other means of attaining
positions of influence in the region were practically exclusively reserved for the
descendants of the traditional ruling dynasties, their associates, friends and
loyalists to the exclusion of the rest who were derogatively referred to as the
Talakawa.
However, that
virtual monopoly of the sources of influence gradually faded away over the
subsequent decades particularly following the eventual departure of the British
from the region and the country, paving the way for the children of the
so-called Talakawa to aspire to, and indeed, attain high government positions,
and also achieve their potential in education, business and other competitive
endeavours.
Yet, many Nigerians still
argue that a systematic class dichotomy does still persist in the country,
albeit in disguise, referring to the systematic abuse of power perpetrated by
successive sets of military and civilian leaders and top government officials
in the civil service with the connivance of their accomplices in the private
sector, hence holding them exclusively responsible for the persistent
leadership failure in the country.
Nevertheless, I, for
one, don’t see it that way. Instead, I believe the era of systematic class
dichotomy has indeed ended. Nigerians who believe otherwise do apparently confuse
the endemic culture of corruption, nepotism and impunity in the country with a systematic
class dichotomy. However, inasmuch as I don’t absolve, in fact, not even
downplay the particular responsibility of successive generations of Nigerian leaders
for the country’s persistent leadership failure, I don’t limit the blame on them
exclusively, either. After all, though the children of the Talakawa from
the so-called humble backgrounds have already hugely outnumbered those from the
so-called privileged backgrounds, in the corridors of power and other spheres
of influence in the country, yet the same culture of impunity, nepotism,
systematic corruption and its attendant economic deterioration and
socio-political instability have not only persisted anyway, but have actually got
worse.
Basically, it isn’t a
question of class; rather it’s simply a question of attitude. In reality, there
is actually no attitudinal difference between the average Nigerian struggling
to survive and a typical privileged Nigerian in a position of authority. Both lack sincere of commitment to nation-building. Also,
the fact that the former is only engaged in relatively petty corrupt practices
through which he makes few hundreds or thousands of Naira doesn’t basically
make him any different from the latter who loots million or billions, for he
(i.e. former) wouldn’t hesitate to do the same or even worse, given the chance.
This, therefore, underscores the imperative of focusing on attitudinal change
in our collective quest for a real and sustainable change in the country.
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